Dante A. Ang, Publisher
Manila Times
June 9, 2004

This article was featured in the Manila Times . The views contained herein are of the author's and do not necessarily reflect the views of the CPP and the revolutionary forces.

First of three parts

One of the things that puzzles many of us today is why, despite its global decline, communism in the Philippines grows in strength and in number. What adds to the paradox is that although sources of foreign funds have reportedly stopped, the Communist Party of the Philippines, or the CPP, has been steadily getting arms and mounting a sustained offensive against the military with such force and intensity unseen before.

Photo courtesy of The Manila Times

Last year the NPA assaulted several municipal halls and army detachments in daring daytime raids, bringing into sharper focus the growing strength of the Left. The raids also raise questions about the power of the police and the military not only to prevent such attacks but to protect vital installations and legitimate businesses from the pernicious forces of the Left. For instance the NPA burned several Globe and Smart towers, serving as a reminder of its influence in the countryside.

It is widely believed that the funds are generated internally, mainly from the so-called revolutionary taxes imposed by the NPA on businesses. Found mostly in the depressed regions, companies are taxed two percent of gross on the average. Negotiations do happen occasionally, though.

Another source of funds for the CPP comes from the so-called Permit to Campaign, or PTC. Candidates for local and national positions pay fees to the NPA before they can campaign in areas influenced or controlled by the communists. No pay, no campaign. Those who choose to ignore the PTC do so at their peril. Fees vary with the position the candidates are running for and with their capability to pay. The higher the position, the higher the fees. Or, the richer the candidates, the higher the fees; occasionally, candidates haggle.

The government has warned candidates not to pay PTC fees on pain of disqualification. Many candidates, however, have chosen to ignore the government's warnings. Ka Roger casually pointed to a prominent Cabinet member who was very vocal against paying dues to the NPA' yet was among the very first to pay the PTC fees when he ran for governor of a Southern Luzon province. He did so every time he would run for public office and even before the campaign period could officially begin. This Cabinet member was also appointed to various Cabinet posts under various administrations.

"Economically and militarily independent"

The local communists have gone a long way. They have apparently become "economically and militarily independent" in their struggle for ideological dominance.

Estimates of the PTC fees in the past election season alone vary from a low of P1 billion to a high of P2 billion. Whatever it is the NPA has evidently been waging its campaign against the government largely on its own resources.

Alarmed by the growing presence of the NPA, the Philippine government sought the help of the United States last year to help curb the flow of foreign assistance to the local communists by having them declared international terrorists.

The government had mistakenly surmised that once the CPP is tagged as a terrorist organization, the NPA would be denied foreign funds so that in time it would sue for peace.

The Philippines, through the late secretary of foreign affairs. Blas F. Ople, had lobbied in Europe for the inclusion of the CPP as a terrorist organization. The CPP protested the terrorist tag. At one time the NDF had made its removal from the list of terrorist fronts as a precondition for the resumption of peace talks with the government.

The government had also hoped that after the CPP was tagged as a terrorist organization, the Dutch government would deport the NDF leader Jose Maria Sison from Utrecht. That did not happen. Sison was able to stay the deportation. The case is still pending in Utrecht.

Since 1945 Philippine presidents had tried to end the internecine strife. But nothing seemed to have worked. The communists have grown stronger and their number kept on multiplying.

In her desire to end the decades-long conflict, Corazon Aquino ordered the political prisoners freed soon after she took power in 1987 to show her government's sincerity to reach out to the insurgents.

Allies in the fight against former President Ferdinand Marcos, Aquino and the Left had forged an agreement to pursue peace.

Thus the peace negotiations with the NDF began in earnest. But it didn't take long for the talks to be scuttled. They were marred by violations and charges of counter violations.

For one thing, the hard-liners from both sides of the politically divided were so intransigent that the only way peace could be attained would be for the other party to capitulate. For them, anything short of that would betray the people's trust.

Both sides believed in the nobility of their causes: it was just a matter of time before the other party was annihilated and subjugated.

Government hard-liners, for their part, claim it is winning the fight against the NPA and therefore see no need for the government to forge a peace agreement with the "enemies of the state."

They never run out of statistics to support their claims of victorious encounters with the NPA in the field. They say those numbers strongly indicate that the government is winning the war against the insurgents.

You can't sleep with the enemy

Privately, however, some generals I've spoken to are against the peace process more out of pique. They simply want to avenge their comrades who were either wounded or killed in the campaign against the NPA. They are also afraid those who were wounded in combat and those who had lost a friend won't be so magnanimous in forging peace with the "enemy."

On a more noble note, however, they are against forging a peace agreement with the NDF for ideological reasons. They cannot bear the prospect of having to "sleep with the enemy." Only a renunciation of the armed struggle by the NDF would be acceptable to the military and the police before they could sign a peace agreement with the CPP/NDF.

On the other hand, the NDF and its armed component, the NPA, are not expected to lay down their arms or renounce their armed struggle-peace or no peace. They, too believe they are winning the protracted war against the government.

It may seem paradoxical, but like most of us, they, too (the CPP/NDF/NPA), long for peace.

And there lies our story or, rather, the story of Gregorio Rosal, also known as Ka Roger. This is not an attempt to glorify Ka Roger or the NPA. Neither is this an endorsement of their cause nor an indictment of the police and the military.

Unveiling the persona

The Manila Times is publishing a series of articles on its interview with Ka Roger to unveil the persona behind the issues and to better appreciate the challenges that lie before us. By doing so, we hope to contribute to a better understanding of the relevant issues so that the continuing talks between the government and the NDF could be held in a climate of mutual understanding and trust.

The Times spent two days and one night in late March somewhere along the boundary of Quezon and Bicol provinces to interview Ka Roger. We left Manila one early morning. We were met by a courier at a designated place. He was young. Only 30 years old, maybe even younger, single. Clean-cut. Very articulate. Very respectful.

He introduced himself to us as "James." He looked like an ordinary young man. There was nothing special about his looks and mannerisms. If we did not know any better we would have mistaken him for an office worker, a policeman or a soldier even. He sported a crew cut and must be five feet five inches tall.

He took our mobile phones for safekeeping after shutting them off the moment we rode in the car. We told him we understand. Not wanting to waste time, we had our lunch in the car while driving. We stopped only to take a pee or buy a drink from the ubiquitous gasoline stations that line the road all the way to our final destination.

We knew we were nearing out meeting place when James advised our driver to watch for certain road characteristics. Soon after, we made a sharp turn to the left. The road was rough, uncemented. We opened the car's windows briefly. It was cool. Fresh. The air was filled with the smell of grass reminiscent of the rice fields I used to frequent as a young boy to catch spiders.

The road was still wet and some parts were muddy. It must have drizzled the night before. If there was electricity, I did not notice it. There were no electric posts. No cars, no jeep. Not even tricycles. Occasionally, we would pass some farmers walking alongside their carabaos.

After some kilometers, James asked us to roll up our windows as we were approaching a barangay. Apparently, he did not want people to see us and arouse suspicion. If people would ask what we were doing there, he instructed us to say that we were inspecting a property being offered for sale.

A few more kilometers and James signaled our driver to stop in front of an unfinished chapel. It was almost 3 p.m. He told us we could park our car there for the night. He gave us the impression that it had been prearranged with the barangay captain. We tried to park the car within the chapel's lot but couldn't. A big log blocked the entrance to the designated parking space through the chapel's side.

James got off the car and looked around. He seemed restless. We figured we were supposed to be met by his fellow NPA. Good thing the place was largely uninhabited despite the presence of a chapel. We would have invited attention if not outright curiosity. The contrast between out presence and the place was simply striking. Imagine strangers in a relatively new van in a place that seemed to have been transported back in time where the only transportation was through a native sled pulled by a carabao.

Moments later, James called somebody from his mobile phone. We could hear him ask for the whereabouts of the welcoming party. I was getting worried. No so much about the prospect or police and military assets getting wind of our presence as about travelling in an unfamiliar mountainous terrain under the cover of darkness.

I have difficulty walking especially at night; I wear eyeglasses with a prism. Without the prism, I see double. This is due to the weakening of the muscles in my left eye. I need an eye surgery to close the cleavage in my eye muscles, but the gap is still too narrow, according to my doctor. It would be risky to operate at this stage. What's more, I have difficulty calculating distances. My vision lacks depth. An object may be near but it seems remote in my image. It takes a while for my eyes to settle down and be able to calculate depths and distances.

Some twenty minutes later, two young men came out of the bush close to the road leading up to the mountain. In a single line and some feet away from each other, they walked toward us. We figured they must be our welcome party. True enough, James started to talk to them. They motioned our driver to start the car and to park it in a fenced yard where a hut stood a few meters from the chapel.

Only then did I realize that we were being watched. People, all women and mostly children who live in the hut, started to mill around us as we got off our car. Very clearly, they know the people we were with. They smiled at us as we offered them some cookies and chocolates.

One thing I noticed though, I did not see any men. I found out later that one of the young men who fetched us was the son of the woman living in the hut. That's why we did not see any men when we parked our car. Most of the men in the neighborhood had joined the NPA and abandoned the comfort of their homes. Only the women and the children stayed behind.

The road was wet, muddy and slippery, otherwise passable. As we began our trek on foot, I noticed the case with which James and our guides walked the narrow, hilly terrain leading up to the mountain, which made me conclude that they frequented the area. Obviously the place where we took off is one of the barangays under the influence of or controlled by the NPA.

Some fifteen minutes later, we walked past a makeshift hut where two or three men stood guard. Probably members of Ka Roger's security detail. But I did not see them brandishing guns.

A few moments later we arrived at a hut that looked like home to a family. It was past four in the afternoon. At the entrance of the hut stood a stove carved out of a mountain mole. It was dark inside the hut. An unlighted oil lamp stood on a long table that can easily seat 10 diners.

Again, there were no men in the house. Only women. Three women and a girl, maybe 15 years old or younger. They were all smiles when they saw us. They must have said something to welcome us but I did not hear it. I was so tired and exhausted from the brief mountain walk. Besides, I was busy trying to observe the place.

Fearsome

Some five minutes later, Ka Roger emerged. A worn-out baseball cap drooped over his eyes, and he had a mobile phone and reading glasses hanging loose around his neck and a bolo tucked around his waist. Surprise! He was not even carrying a gun! Must have been staged. I thought. You know a PR ploy of sorts, I told myself. What better way to introduce your self to your guests than to surprise them.

So, this is the fearsome Ka Roger, I said to myself. He did not look menacing enough. Didn't look tough either. But as they say, looks can be deceiving. This man is certainly no pushover.

High on the list of "most-wanted" by the government, Ka Roger didn't seem bothered that a military camp was some kilometers away. He exuded confidence. He had an answer to almost every question you put across to him. You may not agree with him but you've got to give him an A for sincerity. Call him a terrorist, an extortionist or whatever, but he believes in what the NPA is fighting for. He impresses me as a purist; an ideologue. #

Back to top
<Prev   1  2  3  4  5   Next>
Back to Specials