Macapagal-Arroyo�s maneuvers till 2004 and beyond
Macapagal-Arroyo's sudden and dramatic announcement that she is not running in the 2004 election is a desperate move designed to reverse her steeply declining popularity, avoid a humiliating defeat in the 2004 race and the possibility of being removed from power by a popular uprising even before this, and create a favorable political climate for the unbridled implementation of neoliberal economic policies and the all-out terrorist war.
She made the declaration a day after a hasty consultation with US Ambassador Richard Ricciardone, indicating the US' hand in the puppet president's maneuver.
The announcement was a quiet admission that this early, she has already lost the election. But this move, which represents a step backward, is a precursor to a plan to take two steps forward. She still desires to remain in power and, to this end, slyly keeps on changing the rules of the game of reactionary politics. The puppet regime's drumbeaters are hoping for a sudden change of course. They want to seize the initiative and appease Macapagal-Arroyo's critics with her "politically ascendant" stance.
But Macapagal-Arroyo's current stance has had no impact on the intensifying rift among the factions of the ruling class in their bid to grab power in 2004 or earlier. Even within the ruling clique itself, there is intensified maneuvering and jockeying for initiative and leadership.
House Speaker Jose de Venecia is the most active in making his maneuvers under the new situation. It is his proposals that offer Macapagal-Arroyo a generous fallback in the face of her increasingly difficult position, pushing her to go for them. De Venecia simultaneously proposed changing the reactionary constitution and the formation of a "government of national unity." To add weight to his proposal, de Venecia warned that they must be accepted to avert a coup d'etat.
The proposed charter change may either allow for an election in 2004 or do away with it altogether ("No Elections" or No-el) and have a transitional government in its place until 2007. Macapagal-Arroyo would remain president during the period to spare her from having to take her chances in the 2004 elections. Options regarding charter change are still open, even if the 2004 election does push through.
Although de Venecia does not explicitly express it, his ambition to be prime minister under a parliamentary system is evident in his proposal for charter change.
To secure the US' approval, the proposed charter changes provide for further imperialist domination of the Philippines and would allow foreigners to own land in the country.
The "government of national unity" proposes the inclusion in the cabinet of various political groups, including the opposition, "civil society" groups as well "groups from the Left, the Right and the secessionists," to form a broader base for, and prop up, the people's waning trust in the government.
De Venecia endorsed Comrade Jose Ma. Sison to represent the Left, a proposal flatly rejected by Macapagal-Arroyo.
In any case, there should be a clear and principled basis of unity. There should also be substantial reform in the government's policies to make them acceptable and beneficial to the masses of the people. Without this, the participation of revolutionary leaders in a "government of national unity" would only give credence to the shaky Macapagal-Arroyo government and renewed impetus for the continuation and escalation of its puppet, repressive and rotten policies.
It would be fine if the proposed "government of national unity" were to pave the way for the resumption of the GRP-NDFP peace negotiations. To achieve this, Macapagal-Arroyo must reverse her government's policies that run counter to the peace talks. Among others, she must rescind the all-out war against the NPA and the revolutionary mass base; withdraw the "terrorist" tag on the Party, NPA, Comrade Sison and other revolutionary leaders and members of the NDFP peace panel; ratify and implement anew past agreeements between the NDFP and GRP; discard the draft document of surrender that comes in the guise of a "single-process comprehensive peace package" and instead pursue serious discussions and efforts to achieve unity once again on the previously agreed upon four-point basic agenda on reforms for the people.
Macapagal-Arroyo's declaration that she is not running in the 2004 polls does not preclude the huge possiblity that she would "change her mind" and retract her statement�based supposedly on the demands of the situation, of duty or of the people.
As long as Macapagal-Arroyo sits in Malaca�ang and no dramatic change in policy is effected for the benefit of the people, her declaration will only further heighten the crisis of the ruling system, and intensify protests and criticism of her extremely antinational, anti-democratic and antipeople policies and administration.
| 
