The role of Eduardo "Danding" Cojuangco in the final months of the Estrada regime
Eduardo "Danding" Cojuangco, Joseph Estrada�s godfather, is the most cunning creature alive. When the Estrada regime was in its death throes, he poured in billions of pesos to keep his minions in government in power, but all the while ensuring that his vast empire would remain unscathed in case Estrada falls. At the same time, he prepared a countercampaign against the incoming regime of Gloria Macapagal- Arroyo.
The family and cronies of the despised dictator Marcos such as Lucio Tan and Cojuangco benefited much under the Estrada regime. As early as his fifth day in office, Estrada had seated Cojuangco as chair of the San Miguel Corporation (SMC), voting him in using government-sequestered shares. By December last year, Estrada had also handed over the coco levy funds to Cojuangco by virtue of an executive order. Cojuangco�s minions were appointed to the highest posts of the Estrada cabinet. Estrada also expanded and fortified Cojuangco�s camp within the military. In all of the government�s important decisions and negotiations, Cojuangco�s hand was ever present. Cojuangco, the late dictator Marcos� biggest crony, had not only been resurrected�both his political and economic clout had grown immensely.
POLITICAL MANEUVERS
Cojuangco had a distinct role in the Estrada regime, especially during the latter�s last months in Malaca�ang. He was one of those who most stubbornly objected to Estrada�s voluntary resignation. It was only in October last year that he ordered his trusted henchman Ernesto Maceda to 1) consolidate and further fortify LAMP, the alliance of pro- Estrada parties; 2) orchestrate a pro- Estrada propaganda campaign; and 3) remove Rep. Manuel Villar as House speaker and Sen. Franklin Drilon as senate president because their defection from the Estrada camp was certain.
Using a huge amount of bribe money, Cojuangco was able to swear into his National People�s Coalition party 40 congressmen, lure 15 of the 77 signatories of the impeachment complaint to defect and place Arnulfo Fuentebella, Maceda�s close friend, as the speaker of the House of Representatives. In collaboration with another cunning politician, Sen. Juan Ponce Enrile, he ensured that Estrada�s acquittal would be secured with enough votes in the reactionary senate.
He orchestrated the strategy for Estrada�s defense and salvation in the impeachment court. He "lent" the services of his counsel Estelito Mendoza (as an official member of the defense panel) and SMC vice president Ramon Ang (as an unofficial member of the defense panel) to spearhead Estrada�s legal defense. Cojuangco also bankrolled a big team of lawyers that hatched up various schemes to conceal crucial evidence and prolong the trial. He also mobilized his stable of politicians to harass and threaten the witnesses.
Outside the impeachment court, the Cojuangco-Estrada tandem was active in deceiving the people and sowing terror, in accordance with two operational plans that aimed to uplift Estrada�s dirty image. They came up with a bogus peace agreement between the reactionary government and its special agents in the counterrevolutionary group of Arturo Tabara in Negros on December 10. Falsely believing that they could bribe the leaders of the anti-Estrada movement, Estrada "promised" to free political detainees and rescind the death penalty. But the most despicable plot of the Cojuangco-Estrada partnership was the terrorist bombing conducted by their underlings in several public places on December 30. Twenty-two persons were killed in the bombing and more than 100 were injured. The intent was to divert the public�s attention from the scandalous information being revealed in the trial and point their bloody fingers to the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, New People�s Army, to rightists or any other group. They perpetrated this heinous crime to launch the anti- Moro war in Mindanao anew and tighten the fascist cordon around Metro Manila.
Ensuring his economic interests
Behind his efforts to keep Estrada in power, Cojuangco was quietly prepared for the possibility of the former�s ouster. Long before the actual trial, he consolidated his holdings in SMC and continuously prepared to gain control of the coco levy funds.
He expanded the scope of, and fortified his, leadership over the SMC�s operations. SMC successively bought Sugarland, Philippine Dominion (maker of canned tuna) and
part of Metro Pacific. At present, SMC is in the thick of negotiations with Coca- Cola Amatil to purc h a s e 65% of the company. Cojuangco also clandestinely bought an additional 20% of SMC shares through a buyback scheme in order to strengthen his position as the company�s biggest shareholder. Thus, even if the remaining 27% sequestered shares are sold to other businessmen, Cojuangco shall retain control of the company.
A few weeks before his ouster, Estrada had signed an executive order legalizing Cojuangco�s acquisition of the coco levy funds through the establishment of a "foundation". Before this, Estrada had fortified Cojuangco�s control over the coconut industry where the latter schemingly manipulated the price of copra. In a span of a few days in February 2000, the price of copra plummeted from P18/kilo to P2.50/kilo. Cojuangco also cancelled the fake stock certificates that he distributed in 1998 to farmers in a sequestered piece of land in Negros. It will be recalled that this formed part of the "stock-sharing" scheme of the Department of Agrarian Reform that was then headed by his minion Horacio "Boy" Morales.
Cojuangco after Estrada
Despite Estrada�s ouster, Cojuangco retains immense power in the economy and in a significant part of the country�s politics and military. So long as the current ruling clique does not directly go against him, Cojuangco may yet arrive at an understanding with Macapagal- Arroyo. Nonetheless, cunning as he is, Cojuangco stands ready to use his groups within the military and police, his minions in congress, the senate and local governments and his lawyers to carry out a destabilization plot against the new regime and put in power anyone who would be �friendlier� to him and his interests. From questioning the legality of Macapagal-Arroyo�s presidency to resorting to threats and actually launching a coup d��tat, Cojuangco will do everything to protect his interests. The P2 billion he has allotted to do this is small potatoes compared to what he may lose should his assets, both open and clandestine, be frozen or investigated.
Cojuangco has already invested so much on his politician-minions for him to simply relinquish his economic and political power. At present, Cojuangco is furiously preparing for the May elections. He would not hesitate to resort to the dirtiest, most violent schemes to put his candidates in power.
As with Estrada, it is necessary to make the biggest cronies of his regime, especially his godfather Cojuangco, answerable for their relentless plunder and thievery of the people�s money. Cojuangco must likewise be held answerable for his anti-peasant and anti-worker moves within his corporations. He must also be charged for the crimes he perpetrated in the name of the Estrada regime. The justice demanded by the Filipino people has been long in coming.
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