The jueteng payola and other anomalies:
Crime and corruption at the very helm of the neocolonial state

Basahin ang artikulong ito sa Pilipino

The rottenness that is intrinsic in the reactionary state is at present very evident. None other than its very president is facing a corruption case that is considered one of the most scandalous in the history of reactionary politics in the country.

Estrada's implication in the current jueteng scandal and other countless anomalies that involved his administration almost every day of his two-and-a-halfyear presidency, is now shaking the entire ruling system in a manner comparable only to that of the last years of the Marcos dictatorship.

"Lord of all jueteng lords." Ilocos Sur Gov. Luis "Chavit" Singson, who until lately was Estrada's friend and conspirator in illegal activities, disclosed that the president received more than P400 million from jueteng operations in the whole of Luzon. The people also witnessed how other ranking government officials and close friends of Estrada's benefited from this, and how they tried to protect and cover up for a reactionary president who is rotten to the core.

Among the government officials who were revealed to have benefited from illegal gambling along with the president were Sen. John Osme�a and Sen. Teresa Aquino Oreta, Presidential Liaison Officer Jaime Policarpio, presidential adviser Anton Prieto and presidential son Mayor "Jinggoy" Estrada. Also directly involved are Estrada's pals Charlie "Atong" Ang and Yolanda Ricaforte and the president's attorney Edward Serapio.

Stealing from the nation's coffers. Aside from jueteng collections, Singson also disclosed that the reactionary president amassed P130 million from P200 million worth of tobacco excise taxes intended for small tobacco farmers in Ilocos Sur.

This is not the first time that Estrada has been implicated in stealing from the government's coffers. Early this year, a former director of the Philippine Charity Sweepstakes Office revealed that the president, Luisa Ejercito (one of his wives) and "Jinggoy" Estrada pocketed P430 million from the government charity fund.

This is apart from other scandals implicating various administration officials. In June 1999, it was revealed that the Department of Interior and Local Government (DILG) and the Philippine National Police (PNP) was involved in the anomalous purchase of handcuffs worth P16 million. In September of the same year, 15 members of Estrada's cabinet were proven to be utilizing luxury vehicles confiscated by the Bureau of Customs from smugglers. In February, DILG Sec. Ronaldo Puno was charged with graft in relation to the cancellation of a P200-million contract with Motorola for the purchase of communication radios. In March, Puno was again charged with graft along with PNP chief Roberto Lastimoso for an anomalous P3.6 milion-contract for mandatory drug tests of policemen. Just this September, DECS Sec. Andrew Gonzales was accused of using a P12-million donation to purchase luxury cars for himself and other officials from the agency.

Extreme profligacy. It is despicable how Estrada, his wives and children could have such lavish and opulent lifestyles in spite of the intense poverty suffered by the toiling masses.

Estrada is an inveterate gambler. He has been reported to bet as much as P15 million during mahjong sorties with his buddies. He thinks nothing of giving P1 million each in balato to his loyal followers. According to Singson, by the time he severed ties with the president, Estrada must already have amassed up to P300 million from his mahjong winnings.

Recent reports have revealed the existence of luxurious mansions worth almost a billion pesos constructed in 1999 for Estrada's wives and children. Their cost could not be accounted for by Estrada's declared income of P2.3 million for that year. Even his declared assets of P35.8 million could not compare to the total value of these mansions and lots.

There are also 66 corporations where Estrada, his wives and children are reportedly registered as either stockholders or board members. The value of Estrada's declared assets for the past 12 years could not account for the P121.5 million total value of his and his families' stockholdings in these corporations.

A kingdom of thugs. Most of Estrada's decisions on how to run the government are made not with his official cabinet but with his so-called "midnight cabinet" composed of friends and drinking and gambling buddies who reap huge favors because of their strong ties with Malaca�ang.

A most glaring example of just how much Estrada's cronies have profited is Eduardo "Danding" Cojuangco's reinstatement and election as chairman of the board of San Miguel Corporation. Just recently, Estrada signed Executive Order 313, which is expected to pave the way for Cojuangco to completely regain possession of the coco levy funds he had stolen.

Last July, Perfecto Yasay, former chair of the Securities and Exchange Commission, disclosed that Estrada had pressured him to absolve his friend Dante Tan (who was a major contributor to his campaign) of charges that he manipulated stock prices of BW Resources, a firm that runs gambling casinos. Yasay added that Estrada received kickbacks of more than P1.8 billion from the sale of PLDT and BW Resources to favored companies. Also upon the intervention of Malaca�ang, Lucio Tan, another Estrada friend, was acquitted in August of charges of evading tax payments of up to P25 billion.

Other Estrada cronies who amass benefits and are able to influence the affairs of government are businessmen Mark Jimenez, Ramon Lee, Lucio Co, Jaime Dichavez, William Gatchalian, Eusebio Tan and Jacinto Ng; and gangsters like Charlie "Atong" Ang, Congressman Luis "Baby" Asistio, Robert Aventajado and until lately, Singson.

The abuse of power by Estrada relatives also knows no bounds. In January 1999, for instance, Celia de Castro, a cousin of Estrada, requested the Department of Budget and Management to release P200 million for a questionable book purchasing deal with DECS. In order to "facilitate" the fund release, de Castro gave Budget Secretary Benjamin Diokno a P3 million-bribe.

For the reactionary system to have reached such a serious level of disintegration is inevitable. Estrada became president at a time of unprecedented economic crisis, when rival political factions were faced with such severely depleted resources and means from which they could profit. Loans coming in from other countries had all but dried up, business and production had further slowed down. Thus, even patently illegal and criminal activities are now being run directly by the highest echelons of the bureaucracy, police and military.

Given this scenario, Estrada's rivals for political power are stridently turning against him, exposing every piece of evidence they could muster regarding Estrada's debauched use of power.

More importantly, the people are tirelessly exposing and opposing these anomalies and are taking advantage of the political crisis that has emerged and intensified to further expand and strengthen the revolutionary movement.

November 2000
English Edition

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