Correspondence reports:
The successful establishment of a revolutionary union

Basahin ang artikulong ito sa Pilipino

"Workers, unite! We have nothing to lose but our chains!" Marx's declaration rings true for the workers of a modern factory in Central Luzon. In a span of three years, workers in this factory took a stand and struggled until they were able to establish a revolutionary union. They are now reaping the initial fruits of their efforts.

It was in the year 2000 when organizing began in the factory which would later become the arena of struggle and the source of valuable lessons in setting up and consolidating a revolutionary union in Central Luzon. In this factory, the revolutionary movement came upon the workers' slave-like conditions. The equipment was modern and labor was centralized, but it was under the old kabo system. Labor-only contracting was the system of employment. By appearances, it was not the capitalists who employed the workers but "contractors" who did not have the means to pay wages or provide benefits. The workers were contractuals without hope of ever becoming regulars.

There was no set daily wage. The workers were only paid according to the number and quality of the finished products. They had no benefits whatsoever. Most of the workers lived in shanties in a place without any electricity, water and alternative sources of food. Others merely rented cramped spaces in the shanties of their fellow poor.

Within a year, organizing groups and the organizing committee were formed and became the basis for setting up the Party branch inside the factory. Simultaneously, comrades provided guidance to the group being formed to set up the factory union.

The spirit of genuine unionism spread rapidly. The fact that all the workers were contractual was not an obstacle for them in organizing their union.

Victorious strike

Even before the union had been formally set up, the workers began demanding from the capitalist the benefits that had long been denied them. In response, the capitalist fired the workers who were most active in organizing the union. The workers went on strike. In the first few weeks, they paralyzed the factory's entire production. But the capitalist maneuvered to hire scabs who were brought inside the factory with the help of the police and attempted to break the picket line. There were days when the capitalist succeeded in continuing the factory's operations, and there were also days when the workers prevailed. This daily battle for control lasted for months.

The workers persisted in their long struggle in their picket line despite the lack of resources and continual harassment. This was due to their high fighting spirit and the strong support they received from their families and community; the unflagging help from other unions and progressive sectors; excellent alliance work with other democratic sectors and individuals; and the revolutionary armed movement's correct and timely intervention on the issue.

Before and during the strike, the workers continuously launched study sessions that included, among others, courses on genuine unionism, courses under the Pambansa-Demokratikong Paaralan (PADEPA) and Marxist-Leninist studies. After the strike, Party membership doubled and three branches were set up on the basis of the flow of production and workers' concentration. The Party branch executive committee was likewise set up. The number of mass activists developed within the union also ran into the hundreds.

The key to the strike's victory was the support provided by mass organizations in the workers' community. Together with organizing inside the factory, the workers also organized their own community and prepared them for the union's struggle. The mass organizations were thus tempered, serving as a wellspring of support and a launching pad for campaigns on other issues confronting the workers. They launched medical, civic and other projects to address the needs of everyone in the community. A Party branch was also set up here.

To avoid being backed into a corner and crushed by the capitalist, the workers sought and succeeded in broadening support for their strike and association. Aside from the support of other unions and mass organizations in the community, they also won over church people, local government officials and even some police forces. It was these supporters who gave sustenance to the workers and their families for the entire duration of the strike. The investigations conducted and other legal measures taken in the cases that the workers filed against the capitalists were also a big help.

The NPA unit operating in the guerrilla zone where the factory is located was also of great assistance. The NPA explained to the capitalist the revolution's policies in dealing with capitalists and factories within guerrilla zones. The NPA warned the capitalist against taking steps that would be highly detrimental to the workers' interest and explained what the punitive measures were for such acts. The NPA was able to neutralize the capitalist, who immediately refrained from using violence.

Because of the justness of the workers' demands and their determination to fight, the capitalist was compelled to acquiesce to their demands. The capitalist reinstated the workers who had been fired from their jobs and promised to provide benefits such as SSS and medical pay. The workers also won their legal cases.

At present, the workers are endeavoring to have their union formally recognized by the capitalist as their representative in collective bargaining.

Enlistment into the people's army

Because of the intense exploitation and oppression suffered by the workers in this factory, it has not been hard for them to grasp the correctness and importance of the people's democratic revolution and armed struggle. From their studies of society and from their own experience, they find it easy to relate their poverty with those of other sectors especially since many of them came from the peasantry. Their union is now active in regional and national mass struggles. They actively participate in political mobilizations and mass campaigns outside the factory.

The Party branch inside the factory carefully plans the recruitment of workers to join the NPA. It tempers the union membership through continuous studies and participation in local struggles and the general mass movement. With each program, it sets the target number of worker-recruits for the NPA and conducts a campaign among the members for them to volunteer. It also has a campaign calling on workers to hold integration programs with NPA units for a number of months.

The union cooperates to prepare members who signify their desire to join the NPA. Courses that will be of help to them in conducting revolutionary work in the countryside, such as the revolutionary guide to land reform and peasant study courses, among others, are given emphasis in their political education programs.

The union also helps the workers gather up necessary items (such as packs). The Party branch in the union, together with the branch in the community, ensures the welfare of the families left behind. The workers do their best to contribute support for the basic needs of such families. This way, even breadwinners do not face obstacles in joining the NPA.

This factory is but one of many factories nationwide where revolutionary unions operate or are being set up. They are revolutionary because a large part of the union membership possesses class and revolutionary consciousness, even if some others lag behind.

In this factory, the Party structure is solid and the number of activists large. The Party is able to exercise its leadership in the union's day-to-day activities and in the economic and political struggles of the mass membership even as it actively contributes to the legal mass movement in the cities and the armed struggle in the countryside.

07 July 2003
English Edition

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