Trouble in the neocolonies
Intense contradictions among factions of the ruling classes and the people�s firm opposition and resistance to the corruption and puppetry of those in power continue to shake the puppet reactionary states of Peru, Indonesia, the Philippines, Thailand and other neocolonies.
The trial for the conviction of Philippine president Joseph Estrada, who was charged with bribery and corruption, began on December 7 amid burgeoning street demonstrations calling for his ouster.
In Thailand, the people are condemning the continuing economic decline, massive corruption within the ruling party and the hardships suffered by the people due to government �reforms.� The ruling party is expected to lose in the forthcoming elections in January 2001.
Indonesian president Abdurahhman Wahid, who is only on his 13th month in office, faces bribery charges. This is in addition to many other corruption cases that may most likely lead to an impeachment process. Wahid�s predecessor Suharto was forced to resign after being confronted with widespread and violent demonstrations against him last year.
In Taiwan, the opposition is currently taking steps to impeach its president of seven months, Chen Shuibian for his inability to uplift their economy.
The recent overthrow of Alberto Fujimori, Peru�s president for 10 years, was brought about by the Peruvian people�s widespread anger. As he was being ousted in Peru, Fujimori remained in Japan in order to evade charges of corruption, bribery and largescale violations of human rights.
In Eurasia, the illusion of stability that surrounded the newly established coalition government of Turkey vanished upon the exposition of anomalies involving the new president�s family.
The people�s armed and unarmed movements are gaining strength. Throngs of people are marching in the streets to demand the immediate resignation of those in power. Moreover, the people�s utter disgust with reactionary governments that do not fulfill promises of prosperity and instead further immiserize them is being transformed into a material force.
In the Philippines, the broadest anti-Estrada forces have united to call for Estrada�s ouster, condemn his economic policies and assert the rights and welfare of the basic sectors. Simultaneously, revolutionary armed struggle in the countryside is intensifying.
In Indonesia, aside from the broad demonstrations of workers, students and reactionary anti-Wahid politicians, the armed movements in Aceh and Maluku that are fighting for the right to self-determination are gathering support and strength, inspired by victorious liberation struggle of the East Timorese people.
In Peru, the people�s legal and armed movements that put an end to Fujimori�s fascist rule are expanding. Similarly, the people of Cote d� Ivore (Ivory Coast), Israel, Colombia, Fiji and Solomon Islands are militantly standing their ground against the fascist policies of reactionaries in power.
Workers� strikes and other people�s actions are also erupting from South Korea to Argentina to fight for jobs in the face of the widespread closure of enterprises and high rates of unemployment.
The new disorder wracking the politics of neocolonies of US imperialism is both a product and an exacerbation of the crisis of the world capitalist system. Most of the neocolonial governments are bankrupt due to �neoliberal� policies bannered by imperialism.
Because of the grave economic crisis, contradictions among reactionaries have become more bitter not only because the spoils available for division among them have dwindled but because these are being monopolized by the ruling faction.
Graft and corruption are integral to bureaucrat capitalists who are in power in neocolonial states. Part of the bureaucratic corruption of reactionaries include their direct supervision or coddling of cronies and criminal syndicates who contribute immensely to their campaign funds and support their extravagant lifestyle. In the cases of Colombia, Russia and the Philippines, the huge criminal syndicates that run these states are headed by the countries� presidents themselves.
The bureaucratic corruption of its puppets is not unknown to US imperialism, contrary to its �anti-corruption� stance. In fact, the US condones this in exchange for its puppets� devoted observance and implementation of the worst pro-imperialist policies.
It is an easy matter for it to replace any puppet �once its chief minions� misdeeds are exposed and they become obstacles to the interests of imperialism.
US IMPERIALISM is acting fast in order to resolve conflicts among reactionary factions and prevent the upsurge of peoples� movements. As much as possible, those in power are unseated in the swiftest, most discreet way and the succeeding puppet is usually more subservient than its predecessor.
With assurances from the US, those who are being ousted resign on their own initative and in exchange, are absolved of any criminal liability or accommodated by �friendly� countries as in the case of Marcos (who was welcomed by the US), Fujimori (for whom Japan provided refuge) and Nawaz Sharif of Pakistan (who was granted sanctuary by Saudi Arabia).
BUT LIKE THEIR reactionary forerunners, the new puppets are sure to be confronted by the chronic crisis that is intrinsic in neocolonies and by the people�s armed and unarmed movements that continue to gain in strength.
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