One year of Marcos' anti-corruption rhetoric
Ferdinand Marcos Jr failed to deceive the public with his regime’s scheme and sham anti-corruption campaign since it was declared in July 2025. The nation knows that his words “Have some shame!” are empty because they only target political rivals while failing to hold himself, his lackeys, and his allies accountable. This also forms part of Marcos’ preparation for the upcoming 2028 elections, aiming to sideline opponents, gain more allies, and amass more from corruption and kickbacks for his candidates.
It cannot be denied that Marcos is the king of corruption, the mastermind, and the biggest crocodile in the widespread government corruption. Along with pocketing new illicit gains, he also managed to fully recover over ₱300 billion of his family’s ill-gotten wealth that had been confiscated by the state in the past.
The flow of corruption
From 2022 to 2025, Marcos allocated ₱545 billion for flood control projects that became the center of corruption scandals. It was also revealed that he sources funds for these from the unprogrammed appropriations (UA) in the budget. This 2026, despite the exposure of corruption, he still allocated ₱274.9 billion for similar projects.
Marcos once again secured ₱4.6 billion in confidential and intelligence funds this 2026. He maintained the ₱243.4 billion pork barrel for the UA. He also allocated ₱1 billion for his overseas trips, with with his family and lackeys.
Marcos also collects from the pork barrel fund system in the form of “allocable” amounts designated for each district representative. This is what the DPWH calls the Baselined-Balanced-Managed (BBM) Parametric Formula. It is attached to the president’s National Expenditure Program under the DPWH budget, which receives the president’s blessing. In an investigation by the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ), it was revealed that Rep. Sandro Marcos, the president’s son, had the largest allocable amount (₱15.79 billion) from 2023 to 2025. Ranking second to him was his uncle, Rep. Martin Romualdez, who secured ₱14.43 billion.
Former Ako Bicol Partylist Rep. Elizalde Co, former head of the House Appropriations Committee, also exposed other corruption schemes of the Marcoses. This includes direct orders from Marcos and his relatives to insert funds into the national budget for kickbacks. According to him, he personally delivered suitcases of money to the Marcoses and to Romualdez. He also exposed that Marcos’s wife, Liza Araneta-Marcos, is involved in the large-scale smuggling of rice, fish, and vegetables.
To shield himself from corruption accusations and dictate the direction of the investigation, Marcos formed the Independent Commission for Infrastructure. He also mobilized congressmen to immediately dismiss the impeachment complaint filed against him in January.
There are three grounds for the complaint regarding betrayal of public trust: 1) being the mastermind of systematic corruption within the government (through the “allocables” formula or the BBM Parametric Formula), 2) abuse of unprogrammed funds, and 3) direct involvement in rampant budget insertions and the kickback system.
To date, only a few minor personalities have been imprisoned for plunder and corruption, all of whom happen to be political opponents of the Marcoses. Marcos is also targeting the queen of corruption, Vice President Sara Duterte. Meanwhile, Co, who has made various accusations against the Marcoses, is deliberately being allowed to escape by the regime.
The past year also exposed the alignment of certain self-proclaimed progressive groups, such as the Akbayan Partylist, with Marcos. The group actively shields Marcos from accountability and the public’s demands for justice.
The people’s overflowing rage
Consecutive protests were launched by various sectors to hold Marcos, Vice President Duterte, and everyone involved in corruption accountable. The largest among the protests was the “Baha sa Luneta” (Flood in Luneta) on September 21, 2025, which drew 100,000 participants, and another on November 30, 2025, joined by over 20,000 people. Both were led by the Kilusang Bayan Kontra Kurakot (People’s Movement Against Corruption).
Militant actions were also staged, such as at the Pasig City office of St. Gerrard Construction—owned by the Discayas—which is one of the contractors involved in the corruption. Black Friday Protests spread across Metro Manila and other provinces, where the offices of the DPWH and ICI were stormed on several occasions. Protests were also launched to push for the impeachment of both Marcos and Duterte.
A walkout movement among student youth erupted in universities and campuses from September to October 2025. All in all, over 40,000 students and youth nationwide too part. At the Mendiola bridge, more than 5,000 youth and students marched on October 17, 2025, echoing the call, “Remove Marcos-Duterte! Change the rotten system!”
As 2026 began, the public continued to demand accountability from everyone involved in corruption. Over 12,000 people rallied on the 40th anniversary of the EDSA Uprising on February 25. On June 28, the anti-corruption movement was revitalized as several thousand people from various faiths and democratic organizations led by the White Ribbon Movement gathered for a march for truth, accountability, and justice at the EDSA People Power Monument.